En esta sección encontrarás todos los artículos académicos publicados en 2024 por el Grupo de Investigación Psicología Política y Social.

Autores: CUETO, R. M. L. M.; AYMA, L. S.; LLANCO, C. A.; ACEDO, F.; LOLI, C. N.
Año: 2024
DOI: 10.11621/pir.2024.0405
Resumen: Background. An understanding of the dynamics of intergroup relations, particularly in relation to migrant populations, is of critical importance in a variety of societal contexts. This study examines the relationship between conservatism (Social Dominance Orientation, SDO), intergroup dynamics (stereotypes and intergroup emotions), and social distance (openness to coexistence and tendencies toward exclusion) within the Venezuelan migrant population residing in Lima Metropolitana. Objective. The objective of this study was to investigate the relationships between conservatism, intergroup dynamics, and social distance among Venezuelan migrants in Lima Metropolitana. A sample of 395 residents was utilized for this study. Design. The study employed a correlational research design to examine the relationships between the variables of interest. Correlation analyses were conducted to assess the associations between variables. Path analysis was utilized to explore the underlying mechanisms. Furthermore, group comparisons were conducted to examine differences in attitudes and perceptions across various demographic groups. Results. The findings indicated that there were significant associations across conservatism, intergroup emotions (both negative and positive), stereotypes, and the tendencies toward exclusion and coexistence. Notably, younger participants exhibited more inclusive ideological and intergroup indicators. Moreover, the path analysis demonstrated the pivotal influence of the morality stereotype and ideological dimensions on the integration and exclusion of migrants. a. The study highlights the significance of cultivating favorable stereotypical perceptions of migrants and emphasizes the impact of age and ideological factors in creating conducive conditions for migrant integration. A contextual understanding of these results underscores the necessity for inclusive policies and interventions that foster social cohesion and integration within communities that have received migrants.

Autores: CUETO, R. M. L. M.; AYMA, L. S.; LLANCO, C. A.; ESPINOSA, A.
Año: 2024
DOI: https://doi.org/10.18800/psico.202402.014
Resumen: El presente estudio analiza a través de un estudio cualitativo de 4 grupos focales (n=13) los significados y efectos del voluntariado señalados por voluntarios y voluntarias de los Juegos Panamericanos y Parapanamericanos Lima 2019 y del Proyecto Especial Legado. En lo personal se reportan emociones positivas vinculadas con la conciencia de haber sido parte de eventos históricos, así como de experiencias de crecimiento personal e interpersonal. Desde lo social se señalan efectos favorables a la construcción de sentido de comunidad, conciencia ciudadana y orgullo nacional. En el marco institucional se identifican aspectos organizativos y de gestión que favorecen condiciones propicias para el desarrollo de experiencias de voluntariado que generen efectos positivos tanto en lo personal como en lo social.

Autores: PRIALÉ , M. A.; VERA, A.; ESPINOSA, A.; KAMICHE, J. N.; YEPES, G. A.; DARMOHRAJ, A.; FLORES, C. I.
Año: 2024
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1108/IJSHE-10-2023-0476
Resumen: Purpose: This study aims to present the development and validation of a scale to measure the attitudes of Latin American business students toward sustainable management practices in the economic, social and environmental dimensions. Design/methodology/approach: Using a nonprobabilistic sample, the appreciation for sustainable practices in students (ASP-S) scale was administered to a total of 653 undergraduate and graduate business students in Argentina, Colombia, Mexico and Peru. A range of psychometric validity (construct, convergent and discriminant) and reliability criteria were applied. Findings: Construct, convergent and discriminant validity was obtained from the ASP-S scale across all samples. During the internal validation process, two factors were found: systemic consciousness (ten items) and sustainable business leadership (nine items), both of which obtained acceptable reliability indices. The resulting structure is equivalent in all four countries. Originality/value: The instrument can be applied by educators and learning assurance areas to diagnose and measure the effectiveness of pedagogical strategies used in sustainability courses taught at Latin American business schools. As a result, it has applications for curriculum design. As a valid and reliable instrument set in the context of regional business praxis, it can promote an understanding of sustainable behaviors and practices in future Latin American leaders."

Autores: ESPINOSA, A.; JANOS, E.; PACHECO, M. A.; CISNEROS, R. S.; CUEVA, F. A.; DE LAS CASAS, R. A.; DE LA CRUZ, C. N.; GRADOS, C. A.; HUAPAYA, C. M.; MERCADO, S.; PALACIOS, D. C.; REYES, J. E.; SALAZAR, E. A.; SILVA, M. A.; VILLA, K. P.; VERA, A.
Año: 2024
DOI: https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2024.1306060
Resumen: The purpose of this paper is to describe and analyze the social representations of democracy, populism and the relationship between both concepts in a sample of citizens from different regions of Peru (n = 76). To this end, a qualitative research design was proposed, using in-depth interviews, which were analyzed from a discursive approach. The results show that democracy and populism are two closely related concepts in tension. On the one hand, the social representation of democracy is semantically poor, closely related to electoral behavior and is seen as a political system that, ideally, is positively valued. Populism, on the other hand, is seen as a political strategy based on the manipulation of citizens' needs in order to reach power using the democratic process of elections. The representation of populism in general is negative, and it is mentioned that it appears and acquires strength in the face of citizen dissatisfaction with democracy, when it cannot solve problems of poverty, corruption or exclusion. The representations of populism take up the constitutive components proposed by different authors on the topic (people, elites and democracy as a product of popular will), but the participants do not necessarily structure the relationships between these components as proposed in the academic literature. Finally, the results shows that respondents' experiences with democracy and populism in Peru act as important socializing forces that will frame how citizens relate to politics and the public.

Autores: ANAYA, R. H. y ESPINOSA, A.
Año: 2024
DOI: https://publicaciones.sociales.uba.ar/index.php/psicologiasocial/article/view/9576/8953
Resumen: La vida en democracia plantea el reto de conciliar intereses particulares con necesidades colectivas. La legitimidad política es una manera de estudiar esa disyuntiva evaluando la efectividad de las autoridades y normas para dar respuestas a estos conflictos. Si bien existe un debate sobre la definición de legitimidad, se le caracteriza como la obediencia voluntaria a acuerdos preexistentes y a autoridades de un sistema social, en dimensiones como la obligación a obedecer, confianza en las autoridades, y el alineamiento normativo. La investigación empírica reconoce que un sistema social es legítimo cuando hay un manejo ético del poder, lo que enmarca a la legitimidad como un atributo positivo en sistemas democráticos. El presente estudio cualitativo explora las dimensiones constitutivas de la legitimidad política, a partir de la información recopilada en entrevistas en profundidad, realizadas a 16 adultos peruanos, mayores de edad y de ambos sexos, las cuales fueron sometidas a un análisis temático inductivo. Los resultados presentan un debilitamiento de la legitimidad política relacionado con las falencias de la democracia y la fragilidad del orden político. Se identifican cuatro dimensiones constitutivas que construyen la legitimidad: (1) sistema de gobierno, (2) funcionamiento institucional, (3) poder ciudadano, y (4) convivencia ética. Se concluye que la adherencia voluntaria a un sistema puede significar el apoyo a un régimen legítimo solo si el sistema asegura un adecuado funcionamiento institucional, la construcción de una agenda pública que resguarde el bien común y que integre la participación ciudadana en los procesos de toma de decisiones políticas.

Autores: ANAYA, R. H.; ESPINOSA, A.; MARTI, J. D.
Año: 2024
DOI: https://doi.org/10.30546/SI.2024.2.1.2.
Resumen: The study analyses the role of populist attitudes and political moral laxity as psycho-political predictors explaining the support for the impeachment of former President Castillo in Peru. Using a questionnaire administered to a sample of Peruvian citizens (N = 293), we find that a negative evaluation of the performance of the Castillo government, together with disapproval of the attempted closure of the Congress, explains greater support for his removal from office. Furthermore, it was found that a tendency toward less populist attitudes, disapproval of illiberal democratic practices and higher political moral laxity explain greater support for impeaching the former President. Specifically, we identified the mediating role of appreciation of illiberal practices in the relationship between the independent variables, populist attitudes and political moral laxity and the support for the impeachment of Castillo as a dependent variable. These results allow us to discuss the phenomenon of political support by predictors for a government ideologically linked to the left and socially opposed to the power structures of Lima, the recurrent centre of political power in Peru.

Autores:  Groyecka-Bernard, A.; Sorokowski, P.; ESPINOSA, A.; CUETO, R. M. L. M.; Sorokowska, A.
Año: 2024
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1177/00220221241238321
Resumen: Previous studies have found a negative relationship between creativity and conservatism. However, as these studies were mostly conducted on samples of homogeneous nationality, the generalizability of the effect across different cultures is unknown. We addressed this gap by conducting a study in 28 countries. Based on the notion that attitudes can be shaped by both environmental and ecological factors, we hypothesized that parasite stress can also affect creativity and thus, its potential effects should be controlled for. The results of multilevel analyses showed that, as expected, conservatism was a significant predictor of lower creativity, adjusting for economic status, age, sex, education level, subjective susceptibility to disease, and country-level parasite stress. In addition, most of the variability in creativity was due to individual rather than country-level variance. Our study provides evidence for a weak but significant negative link between conservatism and creativity at the individual level (β = −0.08, p < .001) and no such effect when country-level conservatism was considered. We present our hypotheses considering previous findings on the behavioral immune system in humans.

Autores: Romero, J. C.; Henriquez, D.; Díaz, M. J.; Escobar, M.; Bravo, E.; ESPINOSA, A.
Año: 2024
DOI: https://revistalimite.uta.cl/index.php/limite/article/view/495/866
Resumen: Antecedentes: Desde la teoría de Humberto Maturana, no existen instrumentos que operacionalicen los cons-tructos de cultura matrística y patriarcal/matriarcal y su relación con salud mental (emociones negativas) yorientación hacia la dominancia social (variable ideológica). Se propone desarrollar y ofrecer evidencias de validezy confiabilidad del Test de Actitudes Matrísticas y Patriarcales/Matriarcales (TAMYP), según las propuestas deMaturana y colaboradores. Método: Analizar las propiedades psicométricas del TAMYP a partir de tres estudios.El estudio 1, centrado en definir el instrumento, contó con 209 mujeres y 108 hombres, con edades entre 18 y 47años (ME=21,86;DE=4,290). El Estudio 2 contó con una muestra de 263 estudiantes universitarios, 166 mujeresy 97 hombres, con edades entre 18 y 50 años (ME=22.70; DE=3.44).El estudio 3 contó con una muestra de509 participantes (población general), 281 mujeres y 228 hombres, con edades entre 18 y 81 años (ME=36.53;DE=16.14). En los tres estudios se estimó el coeficiente de Cronbach y de Omega, un análisis factorial confirma-torio, y se examinó la validez nomológica del test, a través de modelos de ecuaciones estructurales. Resultados:Las puntuaciones del TAMYP presentan una consistencia interna y estructura factorial adecuada, los modelosde ecuaciones estructurales estimados presentaron bondades de ajuste aceptables y coherentes con la teoría deHumberto Maturana y sus colaboradores. Conclusión: Los hallazgos, constatan que las puntuaciones del TAMYPposeen evidencia suficiente para sustentar su uso e interpretación de fenómenos en población equivalente a lasmuestras del estudio, validando así el modelo teórico propuesto.

Autores: CASSARETTO, M. D. L. M.; ESPINOSA, A.; CHAU, C. B.
Año: 2024
DOI: https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2024.1282281
Resumen: Background: Mental health of university students has been impacted during the pandemic, highlighting the importance of understanding its psychosocial determinants. Nevertheless, there has been limited exploration into whether the digital inclusion conditions for remote education could mediate the effects that variables such as resilience, social support, and academic self-efficacy may have on mental health. Considering the above, there is evidence that shows a consistent relationship between resilience, social support and academic self-efficacy on mental health, to the extent that these are psychological variables. On the other hand, digital inclusion, which comprehends a contextual variable, not a psychological one, related to ICT access opportunities and mainly focused on the quality of Internet access, should be analyzed in a differential manner. Objectives: This study seeks to analyze the effect of resilience, social support and academic self-efficacy, on the mental health of a group of Peruvian university students; in addition, it seeks to analyze the mediating role of digital inclusion. Materials and methods: A cross-sectional study was conducted with 3,147 undergraduate students from a private university in Lima, Perú. From August to October 2020, data were collected online through questionnaire, this include The Depression, Anxiety and Stress Scale 21 (DASS-21), The 10-item version of the Connor-Davidson Resilience Scale (CD-RISC10), The Multidimensional Scale of Perceived Social Support (EMASP), The Perceived Self-Efficacy Specific for Academic Situations Scale (EAPESA) and to measure digital inclusion, the Perceived Quality of Internet Access reported by the students. The levels of participants’ anxiety, depression and stress were described using frequency and percentage. Pearson Correlation test was used to measure the correlation between the variables and a Path analysis was conducted. Finally, The PROCESS macro for SPSS (Model 4) was applied to examine the mediating effect of the model controlling gender variable. Results: The results revealed significant levels of extremely severe symptoms of anxiety (36.8%), depression (33.4%) and stress (18.1%) among the participants. A path analysis, which indicated that resilience (β = −0.346), social support (β = −0.189), academic self-efficacy (β = −0.060) and digital inclusion (β = −0.089) had significant impact on students’ General Distress. In addition, digital inclusion plays a partial mediation role with low but significant effect size in the relationship between resilience, social support and self-efficacy with mental health. Conclusion: Mental health of university students during the pandemic shows alarming levels of general or emotional distress. The findings indicate that resilience, social support and self-efficacy protect college students’ mental health by reducing general distress. However, the study shows that when there is a digital divide around internet quality the impact of these factors is affected.

Autores: Kirkland, K.; Van Lange, P. A. M.; ESPINOSA, A.; Bastian, B.
Año: 2024
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1093/pnasnexus/pgae221
Resumen: Throughout the 21st century, economic inequality is predicted to increase as we face new challenges, from changes in the technological landscape to the growing climate crisis. It is crucial we understand how these changes in inequality may affect how people think and behave. We propose that economic inequality threatens the social fabric of society, in turn increasing moralization—that is, the greater tendency to employ or emphasize morality in everyday life—as an attempt to restore order and control. Using longitudinal data from X, formerly known as Twitter, our first study demonstrates that high economic inequality is associated with greater use of moral language online (e.g. the use of words such as “disgust”, “hurt”, and “respect’). Study 2 then examined data from 41 regions around the world, generally showing that higher inequality has a small association with harsher moral judgments of people's everyday actions. Together these findings demonstrate that economic inequality is linked to the tendency to see the world through a moral lens.

Autores: Baranski, E.; Gardiner, G.; Shaman, N.; Shagan, J.; Lee, D.; Funder, D.; Members of, I. S. P.; ESPINOSA, A.
Año: 2024
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jrp.2024.104496
Resumen: Research assessing personality traits and religiosity across cultures has typically neglected variation across religious affiliations and has been limited to a small number of personality traits. This study examines the relationship between the Big Five personality traits and their facets, two theoretically distinct measures of religiosity, and twelve other personality traits across seven religious affiliations and 61 countries/regions. The proportion of participants following a religion varied substantially across countries (e.g., Indonesia = 99%; Estonia = 7%). Both measures of religiosity were related to agreeableness, conscientiousness, happiness, and fairness; however; relations with religiosity as a social axiom were stronger and less variable across religious affiliations. Additionally, personality-religiosity links were more robust in low-development, high-conflict, and collectivist nations.

Autores: MATHIAS, A.; PAEZ, D. A.; ESPINOSA, A.; TECHIO, E. M.; ALZUGARAY, C.; SANDOVAL, S.; MORAES, A.; ALBUQUERQUE, R.; ARAÚJO, L.; PINTO, A.
Año: 2024
DOI: https://doi.org/10.18800/psico.202401.018
Resumen: Una Comisión de la Verdad – CV – se llevó a cabo en Brasil para investigar las violaciones de los derechos humanos perpetradas por agentes del Estado durante la dictadura militar (1964-1985). Se supone que las CV ayudan a reconstruir la cohesión social tras períodos autoritarios o violentos. Realizamos tres estudios con estudiantes y adultos entre 2014 y 2017. La evaluación de la CV como efectiva se relacionó con puntuaciones más altas de cohesión social. La percepción de la eficacia de la CV se asoció con la reacción emocional (negativa o positiva) y con una actitud positiva hacia el recuerdo del pasado. Las diferencias encontradas entre los tres estudios se discuten.

Autores: SAAVEDRA, F. N.; MEGO, M.; TICONA, S. S.; Thiel, M.; Baeza, J.; ESPINOSA, A.
Año: 2024
DOI:  https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2023.1308796
Resumen: Marine plastic pollution remains one of the greatest problems worldwide. Hence, this study explores the attitudes and pro-environmental behaviors of Peruvian and Chilean citizens regarding marine pollution, with an emphasis on plastic pollution. For this, forty-four semi-structured interviews were conducted with Peruvian (n = 24) and Chilean (n = 20) citizens, of which, through thematic analysis, semantic patterns were identified. Results show that the participants’ representation of the sea is positive and related to the connection they report having with this environment. Additionally, it was found that the sea fulfills recreational and economic purposes, reflecting an anthropocentric perspective, since it is associated with leisure and resource extraction, respectively. Both purposes are related to the causes of plastic pollution, although with differentiated effects. Anthropocentrism is also reflected in the direction that environmental concern takes towards the impact of this type of pollution predominately on individuals and society. Regarding pro-environmental behaviors, most of the initiatives proposed by the participants in response to marine plastic pollution correspond to individual actions, which could be due to the fact that they perceive a low commitment level from authorities to address the problem. In particular, the Chilean participants attributed a greater role to their authorities in dealing with plastic pollution, which would indicate a more institutional perspective of the problem. Thus, it is proposed that to address marine plastic pollution it is necessary to articulate individual actions with public policies carried out by social stakeholders such as governments, companies and non-governmental organizations, in order to build a more efficient culture of marine protection.

Autores: Pizarro, J. J.; Cakal, H.; Mendez, L.; ESPINOSA, A.; CUETO, R. M. L. M.; PAEZ, D. A.
Año: 2024
DOI:  https://doi.org/10.1111/pops.12930
Resumen: Although different social crises may eventually favor undemocratic and authoritarian forms of governance, at some point, such antidemocratic practices require the support of a significant part of the population to be implemented. The present research investigates how and whether the COVID-19 pandemic might have favoured greater support for antidemocratic governmental practices, on the premise of regaining control and security. Using data from 17 countries (N = 4364) and national-level indicators (i.e., real number of contagions and deaths, and sociopolitical indicators), we test how the risk of contagion and death from COVID-19, along with personal orientations (i.e., social dominance orientation [SDO], right-wing authoritarianism [RWA], and perceived anomie) motivate authoritarian and antidemocratic practices. Results from multilevel models indicate that risk perception and perceptions of political instability predict a wish for stronger leadership, agreement with martial law, and support for a controlling government especially when SDO and RWA are high, while more egalitarian and less conservative people agree less with these authoritarian measures in spite of the levels of risk perception. We discuss the implications for these findings for future research on similar but also dissimilar external events (natural disasters, war, or terror incidents) and the consequences for societies with higher authoritarian tendencies.